The final week of March and first of April ushered in a culmination moment for my Fulbright period's primary volunteer activity. From September through March, I dedicated the majority of my non-teaching time to advising and mentoring a simulated diplomacy debate team at my host institution, Medellín's Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana (UPB). Under the guidance of two other faculty members--Olmer Muñoz Sánchez of the faculty of Political Science, and Ana María Velasquez of the faculty of International Business--and my own, the UPB's Model Organization of American States squad met at least once per week, preparing to represent Brazil at the April 2011 Washington, DC Model Organization of American States conference (WMOAS). I advised the improvement of the students’ speech and professional writing in English as they prepared for the conference. I assisted the students with research about the history and functions of the OAS, the internal politics and international relations of Brazil, and current events affecting the Western Hemisphere. I worked hand-in-hand with students on the revision of simulated policy papers for presentation at the conference, which were required to be in English, and coached their verbal debate practice. When March, the month of crunch time, struck, my teammates and I entered a particularly grueling four weeks of draft resolution revisions, for presentation in WMOAS committees. Through my tireless tutoring, the students came to learn that diplomatic writing must be not only content-rich but also word-slim. That is to say, in this exercise, every word employed must count. And I admit that producing this sort of writing when students are employing English as a second language can be especially challenging. But with time, everything came together: the papers were well-researched, pertinent, correct in their grammar and syntax, and properly formatted. Two weeks before the conference, after a final six-hour jam session in which I made final edits, Ana María and I sent the papers off to the WMOAS directors in Washington. Within days, the team members and I boarded three different American Airline flights from Medellín to Miami to my nation's fine capital.
As I continuously stressed to my advisees for months leading up to the conference, if a delegate puts their heart, energy, and full focus an international conference like WMOAS, the reward can often be coming away feeling like you've learned more about the power of negotiation, international academic culture, and the way the world really works than you will in years of university classroom study. To give an idea, if I recall correctly, this year's WMOAS benefitted from the attendance of 17 US and 11 Latin American universities. Now this was a legitimate opportunity for Fulbright-worthy international exchange! Our team had 10 members spread out amongst five OAS-emulating committees, debating topics ranging from the simulation of small and medium enterprise, to the control of drugs and arms trafficking, to Latin American health codes, to the role of women in politics, to the protection of rare resources in the Brazilian Amazon. Indeed, the simulation afforded students a chance to apply classroom knowledge of international affairs. More importantly, it allowed them to meet brilliant new students from across the Hemisphere, and improve the verbal etiquette, teamwork, and professional skills necessary to advance a genuine career in the realms of politics, international business and diplomacy--or just about any other work in which one must interact with diverse individuals in a collaborative setting.
Because this was the Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana's first time participating in WMOAS, I admit we were feeling a bit uneasy and naive upon entry, not knowing what to expect. My own college debate conference experience suggests that the outcome and student enjoyability of these sorts of conferences can be greatly impacted by the quality of the management, the level of commitment of the respective faculty advisers, and the student chairpeoples' degree of training and knowledge of committee procedure. But stepping into the Organization of American States' HQ building at 17th and Constitution in downtown Washington, it became immediately clear that a high level of organization and an air of professionalism would pervade the conference. For one, the presence of actual OAS officials, providing keynote addresses at the opening ceremonies, and supervision throughout, added an element of realism, authenticity, and urgency to the conference that was a step above any I myself attended during my college years. Moreover, we came to discover that the student Chairs were very well versed in the OAS parliamentary procedure, and assertive in the verbal leadership of the conference proceedings. The faculty members of all teams present were punctual and dedicated in their revision of resolutions debated during the committee proceedings.
Our team's "extracurricular" experiences during our week in Washington were excellent. For instance, outside of the conference, we had the fortune of visiting Brazil's official Permanent Mission to the Organization of American States, right near the Watergate Complex on Virginia Ave, on the fringes of the Foggy Bottom neighborhood. We received an informative, candid, and personalized briefing from Wilson Dockhorn, Jr., Second Secretary at the Mission, about the State of Brazil-OAS relations. My sketched notes from Mr. Dockhorn's talk are follow below:
Substantive Topic Issues and Other Areas:
· Brazil’s greatest allies in the OAS: ALADI (the Spanish-speaking counties of South America, Brazil, and Mexico), SICA (i.e., Central America), and Mercosur
· Brazil may in some cases favor other countries that also have federalist governments, i.e., those that are more decentralized… For this reason, Brazil’s support for Venezuela may become problematic
· The summer rain disasters in the Brazilian Southeast were the worst natural disasters in Brazil’s history
· What is Brazil’s relationship with Haiti and Panamá?
· Yes, Brazil is a regional power right now…But to which countries will Brazil turn first?
· Reaching consensus can be more difficult than it seems at first glance…
· Brazil is only going to “open its hand” toward the States in the Visa war if the US does so first
o Other countries facing travel restrictions to Brazil: Canada, Panama, and Venezuela
· It is more difficult to discuss complex issues before the General Assembly; it’s easier to do
· Election of government officials in Brazil:
o All senators and representatives in Congress are elected directly by the people; Supreme Court members (there are 11-12?) in total
· About women in Brazilian politics: In Brazil, there is a legislative quota for participation of women in politics. It varies by state, but in most cases, the threshold is between 15 and 20%. It is not always met… At times, forced efforts to meet this quota brings up a quality versus quantity dilemma.
o In Colombia, there is a target threshold for female participation, but it is also usually not fulfilled…
o Also, think about the evolving reform of domestic violence law in Brazil…
o There are two federal female judges on the Brazilian Supreme Court
· Participation of women in politics across the Americas: Currently, women occupy four of the presidential posts in the following countries: Brazil, Argentina, Costa Rica, and Dominican Republic (?)
· Brazil’s IR:
o Brazil currently encounters the need to “densify” relationships with immediate neighbors, especially Colombia
o What is Brazil’s direct impression toward the growing drug trade and arms trade crisis in Mexico?
o Brazil, South Africa and India: a new forum of rapidly growing emerging economies that, when combined, may have growing clout…
o There are no US military bases in Brazil… Washington’s military relationship with Brazil is quite different than that with Colombia


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